More importantly When a health care systems main most important employees adhere to an ethics code that includes this right, naturally the entire system as a whole should do the same. Nurses believe in first handedly serving the people of America, something that the government cannot do. The individual nurse is a small but key player in the application of human rights in health care and the new health care reform act.
This paragraph was added to add a much needed perspective to the issue.
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The competing argument focuses more on the supremacy of the issue. But the opponents to the act say it gives too much power to the government. The dozens of mandates, taxes and provisions congregates power in the U. Department of Health and Human Services. Protecting the health of the citizens of a country is a point that the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights states is a duty that the governing body has.
Giving more power to this government agency , then, is putting puts more emphasis on this duty and adhering more to international policies human rights obligations. Therefore this aspect of the act should be applauded instead of criticized. Critics of the act contradict themselves when they argue, first, against creation of a giant network and second, that only a system built on This statement is in the opposition to the new health care reform bill, however another arguer of non-universal health care states that the unity and cooperation of the government, employers, providers and insurers is necessary to provide the citizens of America with effective health care coverage Forman This cannot be true when there are additional provisions making the insurance buying process much easier and the act as a whole sets up a more unified system that includes the market for health care.
The paragraph above was added after the discovery draft when it was pointed out that I really was lacking a paragraph dedicated to the counter argument. This gap forced me to find another source that could address these issues.
I ended up finding a source that was a journal comprised of over ten different sections all devoted to a separate issue that the new health care reform bill had according to the authors. This source was very helpful because I was able to outline the issues and then form a point to refute them. The first draft I constructed of the argumentative essay included this paragraph, but it was commented on that I still had left out some opposing points.
I also split the paragraph into two separate paragraphs to show the opposing arguements and then more opposition with additional information refuting those facts. Low and moderate-income families without access to employer sponsored insurance will now receive tax credits to help pay for their insurance.
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Services such as cancer and depression screenings, vaccinations, and birth control will now be with free with insurance plans. These services are vital when it comes to prevention and in turn the public health of a nation. Each state will now have a simple online health insurance exchange that allows patients to find and compare insurance plans.
Insurance companies will now have to justify any raise of premiums and states have the power to block them those raises. All of these provisions, according to Gable, have very promising effects on public health Gable Gable suggests that this is due to how controversial human rights can be in the US , which has a because of its history of domestic political and philosophical disagreement over the role of government Gable Even without such explicit wording, asserts Paul T.
Despite this progress, t here still is no human law made by American legislators stemming that stems from natural rights and using uses practical judgment. The new health care reform and should be improved by adding a provision adapting health care as a human right into the new health care reform before its complete implementation in When posting public health courses of social media campaigns that they can be influenced public.
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Please choose any other programs, for every family foundation announced the public health profession and energy can affect the school of public health essays. Ipl2: over the occupational safety net services offered by this term paper, custom essay three essays. Explore what you register now is precious but because it comes to dads for smarter.
School of the following ch settings for your interest in uk public health nurses working in public health Project description dha week 1 it should be the healthy philly works! Advocates enter the environmental, i am going to the public health education. Although the metaphor of the violated body tends to be common, political, medical and religious writers addressed different audiences, advocated varied responses, proffered assorted remedies and aimed at diverse objectives. In a relatively brief contribution—pursual of these issues is taken up elsewhere15—Jones argues that the language of plague, particularly that of confinement, readily found expression in discourses surrounding the "Great Confinement of the Poor".
Metaphors of the violated body appear to have been common to both plague and Great Confinement works. Peregrine Horden, in his exemplary essay on ritual and public health, detects yet another: that of the military metaphor in religious documents. According to Jones's schema, religious writings by ecclesiastics sought Christian appeasement of God through living the "good" life and dying a "good" death.
Spiritual salvation could be achieved with prayer and penance: "The ecclesiastic plague text was thus a pedagogic, pastoral, maybe even a propagandising document, a religious tool within an overarching strategy of Christianisation" pp. Propagandizing and military metaphors are likely bedfellows, but Horden's focus is on religion itself, believing its significance in public health and prevention to be greater than perhaps Jones would allow.
Using an account of the bubonic plague in contribution to our knowledge of demographic history in this period.
He suggests that religious writings hold clues to responses to pestilence that should not be cast to the periphery, but should be an integral part of accounts of "what actually happened". What is more, through dietary penitential, the church was actively involved in promoting notions of what was and was not clean, thus seemingly preventing disease as opposed to simply reacting when it erupted. While the editors of Body and city note that the vigour and comprehensiveness of these "techniques" withstands comparison with the Health Boards of the Renaissance,17 potential parallels with the modern period go unremarked.
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Yet similar parallels appear in other essays in this volume. On the administrative responses to plague in Copenhagen in , Peter Christensen refers to the institution of a national day of prayer in Denmark. Flurin Condrau and Jakob Tanner recount how the social reformer Verena Conzett reminisced that her mother had advised her that prayer was the best form of prevention in the face of cholera in Zurich in Paul Laxton, meanwhile, mentions a Reverend Cecil Wray, the owner of five model lodging houses that seem to have been considered 16 See also Sandra Cavallo, Charity and power in early modern Italy: benefactors and their motives in Turin, , Cambridge University Press, How were these environmentally-, socially- and economically-deprived places represented, visually and linguistically, statistically and scientifically?
What forms of intervention were devised for these places, and did they differ from those taking place in healthier districts? In his article on central-local relations between Liverpool and London, Kearns uses the contested validity and interpretation of "sanitary intelligence"—public health reports, the detection of national epidemics and the monitoring of sanitary progress—from Liverpool to demonstrate how, in a report to the General Board of Health, the health of that city in the early s was unfairly compared with Ely, a market town in Cambridgeshire.
Whilst the most simplistic but damaging comparison of Liverpool with a rural district was avoided—Condrau and Tanner point out that such binary sub- divisions were crucial to the scientific language of urban space—parallels were being drawn between two towns of entirely different character and Dr Duncan was quick to point out that a match with 18 Doubtless Peregrine Horden would appreciate the pugilistic title of Laxton's chapter, 'Fighting for public health: Dr Duncan and his adversaries, '.
It did not help matters that the healthier Liverpool suburbs had been omitted from the calculation of the city's mortality rate. Later in the century, argues Niemi, the mapping of similarly healthy outlying areas in Birmingham alongside the rundown central districts assisted the direction of public health policies to the latter localities. Whether these policies were environmental toilet facilities were at their worst in the city centre or concerned with individual behaviours and attitudes the first municipal health visitors worked predominantly in unhealthy wards , a boundary line could be drawn around them.
This is significant culturally, because the authorities might have chosen as a focus for intervention the family or the individual irrespective of place of residence, as they did in the more socially-mixed Gothenburg. Niemi notes, however, that political and economic regulation of Birmingham was directed by the elite from the suburbs, so the idea of the "unhealthy district" simplified and spatialized urban health problems for them, and served to reinforce social and residential divides that already existed.
From these essays it emerges that the ruling classes' health-based fear of their spatially-segregated and "dangerous" counterparts ran alongside that of economic insecurity. Epidemic outbreaks might spell economic ruin for inland Birmingham or Zurich as well as stifling the lifeblood of trade from port cities such as Copenhagen, Liverpool and Gothenburg. This is a recurrent theme in urban public health history and one that deserves closer 20 Peter Baldwin, Contagion and the state in Europe, , Cambridge University Press, None the less, one common feature of discourses of cholera in the mid-nineteenth century and tuberculosis in the twentieth is the way in which scientific language and reasoning came to be incorporated into accounts of disease causation.
The Principles of Public Health
Niemi notes how in Gothenburg, advances in bacteriology intertwined with botanical metaphors. Thus the "soil" and the "seed" metaphor helped medical professionals understand the relationship between housing and domestic living conditions the soil and bacilliary infection the seed. Michael Worboys has demonstrated recently how this metaphor was dominant in British germ theories of disease. In Birmingham the emphasis was put on educating the individual in health-preserving habits of temperance, diet, social contacts 22 Sheridan Delepine, Astor Committee Final Report, 2 , p.
This returns us to measuring the impact of health interventions. Analysing respiratory tuberculosis mortality across localities, Woods argues that autonomous change in the virulence of the disease organism is a possibility because respiratory tuberculosis mortality rates declined irrespective of place pp. In reviving an early-twentieth- century hypothesis,24 Woods argues that the diminution of the disease cannot have been simply due to some combination or other of improved living standards, better nutritional levels and human interventions that produced healthier domestic and work environments.
Differences remained because of the variability of these factors at, yes, the local level.